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Brezhnev and Khrushchev. Discuss their
foreign policy.
Khrushchev was believed to be one of the calm
leaders of the Soviet Union. This is displayed in the number
of crises and developments which occurred in the near decade
he was in rule of the Soviet Union. These can be loosely
pinpointed as the 1955 signing of the Warsaw Pact, the
Hungarian predicament of 1956, the Berlin ultimatum in 1958,
the Sino-Soviet split and the Cuban missile crisis of 1962.
In this era Khrushchev also attempted to develop the soviet
standing in the newly liberated third world, however I will
focus on relations with the West, the US and China in
answering this question.
In order to contemplate the success of
Khrushchev’s foreign policy, it is first important to
determine his personal views and his ideological outlook
which coloured his policies. Khrushchev has been described
in many ways, from a ‘colourful, impulsive individualist…
the bold iconoclastic reformer… the ambitious adventurer’[3]
to a ‘hare-brained schemer’[4] However, most accounts agree
on the fact that he was passionate about his foreign policy,
taking active and visible interest in all such affairs[5].
He certainly was an individual and from the beginning set
out to destalinise the system and pursue a more active role
in world leadership. This policy was to gain him enemies as
many other leaders did not appreciate his overbearing and
personalised conduct of foreign policy[6]; however, he was
accepted as the ‘preponderant and almost exclusive spokesman
in foreign policy’[7] He aimed to achieve a working
relationship with the capitalist West in order to improve
socialist standing in the world. This peaceful coexistence
was interrupted periodically by his struggle with
maintaining communist unity in the soviet-bloc as well as in
China, and actions in these areas made it hard for the West
to put a great degree of trust into a communist leader.
If peaceful coexistence was Khrushchev’s main
aim in foreign policy, then we must look at events which
occurred during his time in office and judge whether or not
these could be deemed as a success relative to this
aspiration. He believed that peaceful coexistence ‘could and
should develop into peaceful competition for the purpose of
satisfying man’s needs in the best possible way’.[8]
Firstly, the signing of the Warsaw Pact in 1955
may seem on the surface to be a positive action for
diplomatic relations, but then one must consider that it was
signed as a counter-attack against the formation of NATO in
the West. Much of Khrushchev’s foreign policy moves were
conducted in an offensive manner, as a result of a move made
which the Soviet Union would perceive as a threat. By 1964
the Eastern European-bloc had involved into an imperialist
system with each country being a member of the Warsaw
Pact[9]. Moscow tolerated some experimentation with
governmental systems, but expected communist ideology to
remain firm.
This is why the problems in Hungary were
tackled so forcefully, and so with regards to the
preservation of communist rule in Eastern Europe, was a
success. The reason for popular dissent in Eastern Europe at
this time was due to Khrushchev’s ‘Secret Speech’ of 1956 in
which he denounced Stalin and displayed his hopes for
fundamental reform. In October an armed revolt became the
consequence of a demonstration in Hungary, after a more
liberal government headed by Nagy had come to power. Soviet
troops felt it was necessary to intervene. Khrushchev
believed the situation was too deteriorated to settle
peacefully, particularly when Nagy decided to remove Hungary
from the Warsaw Pact. Khrushchev’s reaction here was
fundamentally defensive. He feared the loss of the
Soviet-East European bloc and felt the need to maintain
security.
However, The American reaction to this would
lead us to believe that this may not have been a diplomatic
success. Far from the view of Khrushchev that such matters
were internal and should not affect the pursuit of peaceful
coexistence, the US were quick to take the crisis as an
indication of the mounting Soviet aggression and so placed
medium-range missiles directed at the USSR in Turkey, Iran,
Japan and West Germany, and then rejected a Soviet plan for
a nuclear free zone in central Europe[10].
The United States was one of the biggest
problems for the Soviet Union. Khrushchev was keen to
maintain peaceful relations with the US, but would not
compromise his hard-line Socialist intentions to do so. As
Rubinstein tells us Khrushchev ‘inched toward a limited
accommodation of the West, based on the preservation of the
territorial status quo’.[11] The US would not turn a blind
eye to events in Western Europe and so any crises in the
West due to Soviet intervention was likely to cause tension
with the US.
One of the main points of tension for US-Soviet
relations in Khrushchev’s era was West Germany and Berlin.
He opted to press the issue to the US in an attempt to
resolve it. He feared that the West was going to give
Germany nuclear weapons which would be a threat to the
Soviet regime. So in 1957 he gave the US an ultimatum.
Either they sign a treaty with Germany, or the USSR would do
so and East Germans would be free to close access to Berlin.
Even though this ultimatum was not a great success for
Khrushchev as President Eisenhower declined the ultimatum,
it did result in their meeting at Camp David which ended in
a promise to ensure better negotiation and agreement. This
result was a success for Soviet foreign policy as it meant
increased relations with the US and left Khrushchev
‘euphoric’[12] and preparations for a summit conference in
Paris began.
However, such friendly relations were not to last as
in 1960 the Soviet military shot down a U-2 spy plane over
the Urals as it was violating international law regarding
over flights. Despite the fact that this was a diplomatic
triumph for the USSR over the US, such a serious provocation
for both sides threatened the summit. In due course the
summit went ahead but with little trust in the ratio.
Khrushchev stormed out when Eisenhower refused to apologise
for the acts of espionage. ‘The fragile spirit of Camp David
quickly dissipated’[13] and the small period of dйtente
expired.
Khrushchev’s last attempt at gaining
superiority over the US without confrontation was his
decision in 1962 to place missiles in Cuba, directed at the
US. Khrushchev’s motive for this was yet again a defensive
measure. The US had missiles in Turkey so it was reasoned
that placing missiles just off the coast of Florida would
restore nuclear parity. Also, this would give the USSR a
socialist ally in the West, right on the doorstep of the
biggest capitalist superpower in the world. However,
Khrushchev failed to calculate the severity of the American
reaction to this. In a move that Yanov claims ‘lacked
subtlety and sophistication’[14], Khrushchev had managed to
bring the world to ‘the brink of nuclear war’.[15] Not the
sort of actions one would expect from a man who supposedly
pursued the policy of peaceful coexistence.
The US did not offer to resolve the issue
diplomatically, the Soviet Union was ordered to remove the
missiles or face a nuclear war. The US Strategic Air Command
was put on the highest state of alert. Eventually,
Khrushchev decided against risking nuclear war with the US,
in the knowledge that this would result in the obliteration
of the USSR. Khrushchev was forced to announce publicly the
dismantling of the weapons and was required to step down.
This sequence of events was catastrophic for
Khrushchev’s career. In 1964 he was forced to retire, most
probably due to the humiliation that he had caused the
Soviet Union in the face of the West. In 1963 the Soviet
Union signed a Limited Test Ban treaty with the US in an
attempt to curb the likelihood of such a standoff occurring
again; however, it was too late to deny that Khrushchev had
demonstrated the military weakness of the Soviet Union to
the world. He had posed ‘the most dangerous Soviet challenge
to the US’[16] and had lost. The Soviet strategic position
had worsened, Khrushchev had lost the chance to equalise the
balance of power.
In his battle to retain good relations with the
US, Khrushchev had sacrificed the support of the second
largest communist power, China. He saw China as potentially
the most dangerous nation to the Soviet Union, alongside
Germany, if they gained nuclear weapons. The major
antagonism between the two was their diverged opinions
regarding the US. Khrushchev desired to court the US, and
use the benefits of their capitalist system to allow the
Soviet Union to grow. The Chinese believed that a communist
state should not woo a capitalist superpower such as the US
and instead focus on extending the revolution.
Disagreement had turned to hostility by
1960[17] and the two most powerful communist parties parted.
Nevertheless, Khrushchev tried to maintain good relations
with China which was difficult as Mao Zedong was appalled by
his barefaced denunciation of Stalin. A major obstruction to
resuming a state of peaceful coexistence between the two
states was that Chinese communists did not believe that
peaceful coexistence was a desirable path to socialism. They
were more willing to accept war on that path to socialism,
something that Khrushchev thoroughly disproved of. China
believed that the US was a ‘paper dragon’[18] and held no
respect for the Soviet’s timidity in the face of the US
threat. Khrushchev criticized China for being dogmatic
‘left-adventurists’ who were set on a world war.[19]
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